Notice to authors: Please ask your publishers to send review copies of your books to Professor Shelton Gunaratne , JIC review editor, Mass Communications Department, Moorhead State University, Moorhead, MN 56563, U.S.A.
Cole, Richard R., ed. 1996.
_Communication in Latin America: Journalism, Mass Media, and
Society_. Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources Inc. xx+262pp.
Editor Cole says this collection, comprising the essays of 15 U.S.-based
scholars and journalists, aims to examine "mass communication in regard to
the fascinating region of Latin America." The book begins with an
overview of issues such as press freedom, the role of women journalists,
professional organizations, the U.S.-Cuba propaganda war and journalism
accreditation. In the second part, it moves to an examination of case
studies from Mexico, Cuba, Chile, Argentina, Brazil and the Andean Pact
countries -- Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela.
Cole says three interrelated factors have commonly affected mass
communication in the hemisphere: high population growth rates that
constitute a huge burden for governments, economies and communication
systems; widespread poverty and illiteracy rates that have accompanied
rapid urban expansion throughout the hemisphere, making broadcast media
the main medium for disseminating news and information; and the recent
transition from military dictatorships to democratically elected
governments -- except in Cuba -- that has enhanced the constitutionally
guaranteed right to freedom of the press in each country.
In this volume, Cuba gets more attention -- and more criticism __ than any
other Latin American country. Cole speaks of the "sad state" of Cuba;
Robert T. Buckman points to "an especially tragic case"; Bruce Garrison
and James Nelson Goodsell name Cuba as a "dictatorial nation"; and
Michael B. Salwen warns "it can be a repressive and frightening society."
While these views may well represent conventional wisdom in the United
States, they immediately alert the foreign reader to the polemical nature
of the text. Several problems arise with this approach. It is partial,
predictable and not particularly interesting. It prevents the in-depth
discussion of current Cuban journalism practices to support the Cold War
rhetoric while it praises a number of "dissident" journalists. One is
left wondering why so many academics refuse the intellectual challenge to
robustly engage with the complexities of the Cuban situation. It seems a
gross disservice to ignore the multiple and successful challenges by the
highly educated and war-weary Cuban people to the Communist Party's
control of information and entertainment services. The unparalleled local
popularity of recent films like _Strawberry and Chocolate_ or _The
Elephant and the Bicycle._ illustrates this phenomenon.
Instead, this book offers Salwen's historical account of questionable
journalistic practices in pre-Castro Cuba; Buckman's three-page account of
the "island's totalitarian media apparatus" -- which concludes that Cuba's
media system will move "into concert with the rest of Latin America" when
"the Castro regime" falls -- and platitudes such as "so long as democracy
holds sway, the future of freedom of expression and the free exercise of
mass communication in Latin America looks promising."
The exception is John Spicer Nichols' fascinating assessment of
Washington's anti-Castro propaganda campaigns. Nichols' work is
interesting because he challenges aspects of the prevailing wisdom
reproduced elsewhere throughout this book.
Nichols asserts in his essay "Effects of International Propaganda on
U.S.-Cuban Relations," that aggressive propaganda campaigns have been a
staple part of WashingtonÕs efforts since 1961 to force change in CubaÕs
domestic and foreign politics. These campaigns escalated after the 1989
fall of the Berlin Wall in the widespread belief that Western radio
broadcasting had contributed to the fall of communism. For example, in
1990, President Bush invested $65 million of taxpayers' money in setting
up TV Mart, a news and propaganda service broadcast into Cuba from a
hot-air balloon anchored in the Straits of Florida. TV Marti joined Radio
Marti, a multimillion dollar U.S.- government station set up by the Reagan
administration in 1985.
Nichols analyses these two mass media projects and concludes they have
been both ineffective and dysfunctional, exacerbating existing conflict
between the two governments and complicating ongoing negotiations on
migration issues.
In his discussion of the dysfunctions of international propaganda, Nichols
refers to the work of conflict researcher Lewis A. Coser, particularly to
his timely warning against viewing mass communication as a panacea or
solvent of human predicaments. Coser asserts that "as long as there are
large inequalities among human beings, as long as there exist sharp
asymmetries in power and structurally induced discrepancies in access to
resources, it seems unlikely that the potential for conflict will be
successfully minimized, no matter what channels may be available for
undistorted communication."
This point is largely lost in the rest of the book. Instead, the main
focus is the so-called bright future for free expression in Latin America
encapsulated in the 1994 Declaration of Chapultepec, a bill of rights for
mass communication adopted by the Hemisphere Conference on Free Speech.
The declaration begins by stating that "a free press enables societies to
resolve their conflicts, promote their well-being, and protect their
liberty."
Cole asserts that Latin American media are "evolving toward standards of
the Western mass communication model" and "adopting a more professional
approach to their role as the Fourth Estate in the political system."
The most common, long-standing scholarly criticism of this liberal
democratic perspective is that it is both utopian and, despite notable
exceptions, empirically unsustainable. Individual journalists cannot
guarantee the democratic role of the news media no matter how professional
or determined they are to resist pressures from the media owners,
advertisers, the labor market and governments. The late 20th century
experience of competitive global news markets dominated by transnational
multi-media conglomerates have played havoc with the 19th century European
notion that free enterprise would guarantee freedom of expression. Market
access is now restricted to a few corporations or entrepreneurs, and
diversity of opinion -- rather than product -- has suffered as a
consequence.
Rather than pursue democratic "salvation" in free market news services,
many Latin American journalists -- in Chile, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Mexico
-- have spent much of the past three decades campaigning for the
democratization of the global mass media. This book would benefit from a
dialogue with the major protagonists, an examination of their proposals or
even an acknowledgment of their efforts.
Penny O'Donnell, lecturer
Department of Social Communication & Journalism
University of Technology, Sydney
Cunningham, Liz. 1995.
_Talking Politics: Choosing the President in the Television Age_
Westport, Conn: Praeger. xiv+174pp.
Trent, Judith S., and Robert V. Friedenberg. 1995.
_Political Campaign Communication: Principles and Practices_. 3d ed.
Westport, Conn: Praeger. xvi+320pp.
It is that time of year again in the United States: the election of a new
president; and the constant discussion of the role of the media,
particularly by the media themselves, which seem to enjoy putting on
"serious" talk shows about themselves. At the same time, confidence of the
average American in the political process is at an all time low. Cynicism
abounds, as complaints emerge about "sound bites," "media personalities"
and how "appearance is everything, content is nothing" in a modern
campaigning controlled by "spin doctors."
These two books address the issue of "political communication" - the act
of using mass media to "communicate the message" of the candidates to the
voters. Cunningham takes the approach of interviewing 10 of the leading
"news personalities" to find out how these broadcasters relate to the
presidential candidates. She interviews Robert MacNeil, Linda Ellerbee,
Larry King, Pierre Salinger, Dave Sirulnick, Jeff Greenfield, Bernard
Shaw, Tom Brokaw and Robert Rosenblatt, most of whom are well known in the
United States. King, Shaw and probably Salinger have a large international
presence as well. She also interviews Geraldine Ferraro, who ran as a
Democratic vice presidential candidate. Sirulnick is the head of news for
Music Television (MTV).
After completing the interviews and collecting many "war stories" from the
different journalists, Cunningham sits back and makes a series of
interesting conclusions regarding political campaigns and television news
coverage. She observes that "television and television journalism ...
demonstrate remarkable abilities to reveal as well as to distort." She
also believes that public opinion is more sophisticated than people
generally think, and the inherent "tension" between journalism and
campaigns is generally healthy for the democratic process. She also agrees
that criticism - "negative campaigning" - really does hurt candidates.
Those studying journalism, or compiling psychological profiles of leading
broadcasters will find Cunningham's book of considerable interest.
_Political Campaign Communication_, on the other hand, is a lengthy and
theoretical book, designed to serve as a textbook [or research reference]
for graduate students or, more seriously, as a handbook for political
media consultants. The authors could have given it the title _How to
Manage the Media in a Political Campaign_ or _Handbook of Media
Management_.
This book is a "must read" for anyone interested in understanding how the
political process works in the United States today. It highlights the
almost completely artificial nature of the media and how politicians
"project" their images to the American people. For those cynical about the
political process and the truthfulness of what they see on television,
this book is sure to make them even more disillusioned and detached from
the "reality" seen in the mass media.
The book has chapters on "televised attack advertising when the candidate
is a woman," on "applying the conditions requisite for political debates"
and use of "surrogate speakers." Actually "surrogate speakers" was my
favorite chapter because it discusses how they allow the candidate to say
things that are not "politically expedient" to say themselves; for
example, when Mary Matalin, working for the Bush campaign called President
Clinton a "philandering, pot smoking, draft dodger." Of course, Maxine
Walters, working for Clinton called President Bush "a racist." I would
imagine that one only has to look back at the campaign to remember how
these "surrogate images" took hold in the American public's mind.
What is unique about this book is its depth of coverage and scholarship.
Each chapter digs deep into the literature to substantiate its points,
thereby providing a rich treasury of references that a curious researcher
can follow. A particular strength of the book is its basis on real events
and practices of candidates in elections. From analysis of real events,
the authors are able to create new categories. In Chapter 7, for example,
the authors discuss "recurring forms of political campaign communication,"
including "announcement speeches," "acceptance addresses," "news
conferences" and "apologies."
The chapter on debate strategies discusses "pre-debate" tactics in which
expectations are lowered so that the candidate appears to "win." The book
also looks at coverage of radio and printed-matter advertising.
Altogether _Political Campaign Communication_ makes great reading for
someone who wants to seriously understand how elections work. After
studying the book, the reader will be able to see far beyond the "tatemae"
(Japanese: superficial appearance of things) to the "honne" (essence) of
the coming campaign. On the negative side, the book illustrates clearly
how the candidates "manipulate" the press. On the positive side, it
illustrates the complexity and sensitivity of the political "fish bowl" in
Washington.
For the international reader or scholar interested in comparative analysis
of media institutions, these books provide a baseline for analyzing
systems in different countries. It would be interesting to know the degree
to which other countries have adopted the "bad habits" of the American
media system. It would also be interesting to identify how the relatively
open nature of the American system has spread to foreign media
institutions and opened up the political process. One must be an optimist
to imagine that only the positive aspects of the American experience have
spread. It is more likely that political candidates and their media
advisers have taken the lead from American media "consultants" and adopted
the same habits. One indicator is the rise of "negative campaigning"
overseas. Schneider (1994), for example, identifies a rise in attack ads
in the Korean election; and, surely, there are others. Using these books
for developing international comparisons may yield an interesting line of
research for the future.
Reference:
Schneider, William. (1994, May 21). " Political Pulse," _National
Journal_, Vol 26, No 21, p. 1218.
Edward M. Roche, visiting scholar
Institute for Urban Research and Development
University of California at Berkeley
Emery, Michael. 1995.
_On the Front Lines: Following America's Foreign Correspondents Across
the Twentieth Century_. Washington, D.C.: The American University
Press. xvii+346pp.
This book's title could convey a double meaning. The obvious reference is
to those intrepid journalists who risk lives in search of truth in other
nations to keep their audiences back home informed. The title could just
as well refer to author Michael Emery's method in researching the book
because often he has been right there -- on the front lines himself.
Emery was a journalism professor at California State University,
Northridge, for 26 years and a respected scholar (co-author with his late
father, Edwin Emery, of _The Press and America_ in its eighth edition). He
also was a free-lance journalist, often pursuing stories abroad. Sadly, he
died of cancer at the age of 55 about the time his _On the Front Lines_
was rolling off the press.
In this extensive exploration of the lives of foreign correspondents and
issues surrounding their work, Emery combines his background as journalist
and media scholar to produce an insightful work that will be essential
reading for anyone claiming to be a serious student of the
interrelationships among the media, foreign affairs and government.
Many of the hundreds of foreign correspondents mentioned in the book will
also read the book. Doubtless, these readers will be pleased a scholar
has given them such attention. But they also may be surprised because
Emery not only gathers information carefully and reports it candidly but
also assesses the evidence and offers his own conclusions boldly. The
results are sure to stir controversy.
In his cogent introductory overview of the field of foreign
correspondence, Emery writes that the book has several purposes: One is to
"create a deeper public appreciation of our nation's foreign
correspondents." Another is to "reinforce the professional demand for
heavier financial commitments to overseas coverage by major news
organizations." Lastly, he wants to tell "a good story."
Does he succeed? Very well, indeed, but with one caveat: It will be some
time before we know the outcome of the second goal -- more money to
support foreign news coverage. My guess is Emery's work won't make a
difference financially because the bottom line will continue to dictate
the dateline.
Emery's focus is on events, not celebrity journalists, though such
luminaries as Edward R. Murrow, Harrison E. Salisbury, Homer Bigart and,
from more recent times, Peter Arnett, Christiane Amanpour and David
Halberstam, receive due attention. One might quibble over the early
events he has chosen, but all were and many still are relevant globally
and historically. And they traverse the 20th century.
The seven events reflected in chapter headings are "The Coming of the
Great War: The Last Quiet Summer, 1914"; "The Rise of Stalin: Winter of
1928-29"; "The Eve of World War II: The Radio Reporters and the Munich
Crisis"; "Holding the Line Again: Korea, 1950"; "Vietnam: The Far-off War
We Decided to Win, 1962-63"; "Central America: The 'Good Neighbor'
Unmasked in Nicaragua and El Salvador"; and "The Middle East: In the Eye
of the Storms."
Each chapter begins by placing each event incisively into historical
context. An accounting of news coverage ensues. Anecdotes and personal
observations enliven the story.
Emery illuminates problems faced by foreign correspondents, including
censorship (as well as self-censorship), access, failure of home editors
to see the significance of stories, public apathy toward foreign affairs,
budget cutbacks and lack of an understanding of culture. He also
criticizes the growing numbers of special interest groups and public
relations firms hired by governments to influence media coverage of
foreign affairs.
Emery reviews the controversial career of Walter Duranty who covered the
Soviet Union for The New York Times during the Stalinist era. Did Duranty
deliberately disregard Stalin's crimes against humanity to win
journalistic favor with Stalin (as elaborated in S. J. Taylor's _Stalin's
Apologist_, 1990)? Acknowledging that Duranty and his colleagues faced
huge reporting obstacles, Emery concludes, somewhat sympathetically, that
Duranty contributed immensely to the field of foreign correspondence but
may not have been "able or willing to put Joseph Stalin into better
perspective."
The foreign correspondent's main challenge is getting at the truth. And,
as the title of a classic book on war reporting suggests, truth becomes
_The First Casualty_ (by Philip Knightley, 1975). Emery deals
thoughtfully with journalistic coverage of the Vietnam War, how early
coverage adhered to U.S. government policy and how later correspondents
digging deeper became suspicious of generals and critical of governmental
policy.
Emery's finest chapters are those dealing with Central America and the
Middle East, with which he had first-hand experience. He tells how too
many reporters followed the U.S. government's line only later to discover
they were party to lies and distortions. He recounts the story in 1982 of
the massacre of the hundreds of civilians at El Mozote and neighboring
villages in eastern El Salvador by The New York Times' Raymond Bonner.
U.S. State Department officials denied the story. The Times recalled
Bonner, who finally left the newspaper. Ten years later Bonner was
vindicated when another Times reporter confirmed the El Mozote massacre
with a story and photos.
Perhaps not surprisingly, the El Mozote story actually was broken a month
earlier by a non-mainstream news organization, Pacifica radio station KPFK
in Los Angeles. Emery duly acknowledges the contributions of free-lancers
and alternative media.
Emery's final chapter deals with the complex situation in the Middle East.
He carries the story through the Gulf War, including Peter Arnett's CNN
dramatic reporting from Baghdad, the correspondents' objections to the
Pentagon's pool system of coverage and Emery's own interview in Amman with
Jordan's King Hussein five days before the ground war began and which
appeared in the Village Voice and the Los Angeles Times.
_On the Front Lines_ is a fine piece of work that will be of keen interest
to both the scholar and the journalist. It is well researched (781
footnotes; seven pages of bibliography) and well written.
Kenneth Starck, professor
School of Journalism and Mass Communication
The University of Iowa
Hess, Stephen. 1996.
_International News & Foreign Correspondents_.
Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution. xiv+209pp.
Hess starts his description of those who make up the foreign
correspondents corps by describing an amusing scene from Alfred
Hitchcock's "Foreign Correspondent," in which dashing reporter Joel McCrea
rushes off to his next international assignment, shouting as he leaves,
"Cancel my rumba lessons!" Happily, most of the foreign correspondents in
Hess' new book don't sound as though they rumba in their leisure time when
they're not covering wars or summits.
But their small numbers alone make foreign correspondents an elite class.
Hess has produced the fifth volume in his _Newswork_ series to get a
clearer definition of what that elite status constitutes and how it might
influence foreign reporting. He provides that much-needed context by
extensively surveying 774 current and former foreign coorespondents and
analyzing the content of 24,000 stories sporting international datelines
in newspapers, news magazines, wire services and on television that
appeared in 1978 and from 1988 to 1992.
He asked correspondents such telling (and rarely asked) questions such as
what school they attended, how much they earned and what were their
parents'^Ò occupations. Interesting questions produce interesting answers:
Earlier foreign correspondents' fathers were more likely to be employed as
machinists, tailors or masons than their more current counterparts. Still,
then as now, the bulk of foreign correspondents came from families of some
social standing.
Foreign correspondents often have traveled before going abroad as
journalists. Many of the respondents who became foreign correspondents
after 1990 knew at least one foreign language. The numbers of women
foreign correspondents have grown although, overall, men still dominated
the field.
After his general introduction to foreign correspondents, Hess looks at
the type of news they and their editors produce.
Hess provides powerful evidence of what readers intuitively know: that
violence preoccupies American news outlets, particularly television. Hess
makes a compelling argument against conventional wisdom that says the
amount of attention news organizations pay international events relates
directly to those events' proximity to New York City. He divides the world
into six regions, and then adds into the mix numerous other factors, such
as wealth and population of the countries that receive news coverage.
These extra-media indicators provide a more substantial examination of
influences on international news reportage than shown in many previous
studies.
"If Eurocentrism and other cultural predispositions fully explained these
observations, each region would have had a fixed percentage of coverage
each year. Instead, coverage by region expands and contracts depending on
where people are shooting each other," Hess writes.
Hess elaborates briefly on that finding by noting that "all combat is not
equally engaging and accessible to the American media." He quotes Sanford
Ungar and David Gergen'^Òs summary of the challenges facing foreign
correspondents on the African continent: langugage; geographical vastness;
constraints against the press; and logistical obstacles. Hess could have
elaborated more how all of the factors, extra-media and journalistic,
interact to influence news coverage. A deeper analysis in that area would
have helped readers still better understand the complex relationship
between the non-human factors of economics, culture and attention to
violence.
Hess also looks at the human factor that he calls the ^Óculture of
correspondence.^Ô That culture includes the challenges of getting or being
married, as well as the levels of foreign correspondence hierarchy, from
stringers and free-lancers to career correspondents with prestigious news
outlets. He reviews the technology that has allowed news organizations to
send reporters from the home office to cover crises. Reporters who go
overseas on that one-shot assignment have been called "parachutists" or
"firemen."
Though the book is packed with information and some statistics, the first
118 pages mainly take the form of prose. By plumping his book with quotes
from foreign correspondents who answered the survey or with whom he had
talked, Hess has made his study an easy and enjoyable read. By using
correspondents' comments about the dangers inherent in their jobs, for
example, he gives a personal perspective to the conclusion that violence
dominates international news coverage.
He quotes Kati Marton, former Bonn bureau chief for ABC, as saying: "One
thing about the cold war, and I'm not at all nostalgic for it, was that it
was very safe for reporters."
All of the tables that Hess has drawn from the questionnaires and the
content analysis appear in the appendices. While putting these at the back
of the book may have helped readability, it also pushes into the shadows
much interesting information that comes from closely examining the data.
Many of Hess' findings seem to be information researchers have found in
other studies, or that which the international news aficionados
intuitively knew. Still, his book puts together the known and the new in a
holistic, personal manner that leaves the reader with a fuller
understanding of international news coverage.
In the last chapter, Hess offers some "constructive criticism." He makes
a well-founded plea for organizations to give greater, more creative
coverage to international events. News people must think beyond the types
of news they have covered. They would do well, too, to reconsider what
they think their readers want to know and what is important for them to
know.
Finally, they also must take the explosive popularity and accessibility of
the Internet into account, a topic that Hess, unfortunately, has not
explored. While computerzied sources of information likely will not
supplant print and broadcast news products (at least for a while), they
are redefining some of the facets of international news coverage and
dissemination.
Rethinking all of these factors can produce a new framework that will be
good for news consumers, good for news organizations and good for
international news coverage. Let the rumba begin.
Carolyn Davis, graduate student
Communication and Development Studies Program
Ohio University
Naisbitt, John. 1996.
_Megatrends Asia: Eight Asian Megatrends That are Reshaping Our World_.
New York: Simon & Schuster. 298 pp.
Asia has been undergoing tremendous changes that necessitate an
understanding of conditions and trends if one were to engage in
intercultural and international communications. Many books show biases:
strong ethnocentric perspectives that "bash" Asian societies; political
polemics arguing for the hidden agendas of the writer's country; or strong
Eurocentric perspectives.
Naisbitt does not engage in any such myopic diatribes. His book is perhaps
the most perceptive, provocative and informative treatment of what is
occurring in Asia and of the likely trends during the next century. Any
serious scholar,teacher, student or reader interested in developing a
better understanding of both intercultural and international communication
will find the book enormously helpful.
Naisbitt is also the author of _Megatrends_ (1982), _Megatrends 2000_
(1994) and _Global Paradox_ (1994), among other books. In _Megatrends
Asia_, he is candid in his enthusiasm. He writes: "What is happening in
Asia is by far the most important development in the world today. Nothing
else comes close -- not only for Asians but for the entire planet. The
modernization of Asia will forever reshape the world as we move toward the
next millennium .... Asian economies have reached critical mass, from
which there is no turning back. And as we move toward the year 2000, Asia
will become the dominant region of the world: economically, politically
and culturally." (10)
Naisbitt is forthright in acknowledging his bias and in his warning to the
West. He writes: "I am pro-business, pro-market, and I regard
entrepreneurs as the true creators of new wealth, jobs and economic
vitality. I believe in free markets and free trade. That's very much the
direction in which the world is going. The West set the rules. But now
Asians -- are creating their own rules and will soon determine the game as
well." (12)
Naisbitt's zealousness is a result of 30 years of work in Asia. In 1967,
he served as adviser to the government of Thailand. He has academic bases
at the Institute of Strategic and International Studies, Malaysia; and at
Nanjing University, China. He has had access to key government, business,
academic and community leaders. His multi-disciplinary perspective
encompasses history, economics, politics, culture and sociology.
The introduction to the book establishes his credentials, bias and
position and sets forth his eight megatrends, each of which receives
elaboration in a separate chapter. The book ends with a section citing his
sources, an acknowledgment and an index.
Chaper 1, "From Nation-States to Networks," develops the interesting
argument that the political balance is shifting to one where China is
emerging as a force; and, more importantly, the network of overseas
Chinese is having a monumental impact on the economies throughout the
region -- an impact that transcends national boundaries. He cautions the
West that it must revise the paradigm with which it views Asia. Economic
considerations are beginning to overwhelm political ones.
Chapter 2, "From Traditions to Options," argues that the welfare-state
mentality of the West is handicapping it against the emerging new value
system of diversity and individualism in Asia. This new system is
transcending old nationalistic systems and unifying the Asian cultures
into one that is critical of the West and the West's efforts to influence
affairs in Asian countries. These changes are occurring as more
individuals are becoming more mobile, better educated and exposed to other
cultures.
Chapter 3, "From Export-Led to Consumer Driven," argues that Asian
societies are being built on exports -- a factor that has fuelled consumer
spending and caused the emergence of a large middle class. This group, by
the year 2000, will have considerable impact upon the development of new
markets and services to fulfill their needs and desires.
Chapter 4, "From Government-Controlled to Market Driven," makes the
provocative argument that political ideology is giving way to an economic
and political reality whose pragmatism transcends national boundaries.
Countries are underwriting business ventures based in other countries in
the pursuit of profits -- and these contribute to the improvement of the
economy and conditions of these countries.
Chapter 5, "From Farms to Supercities," traces the rapid exodus of people
from the rural areas into the urban centers. This shift has caused
problems of housing, rising land costs and the need for improved
infrastructure. This exodus has also affected the food supply chain
thereby creating a greater dependency on other countries. These
challenges, Naisbitt believes, will provide the West with opportunities.
Chapter 6, "From Labor-Intensive to High Technology," describes the trend
in Asian societies from a highly labor-intensive industrial past to one
that capitalizes on state-of-the-art technology, computers and
telecommunications. These countries are importing and encouraging
high-tech industries to establish centers, and they are allocating
resources to research and development. Their young people, who went abroad
for education, are returning home thereby creating a brain drain from the
West.
Chapter 7, "From Male Dominance to the Emergence of Women," presents a
most interesting and provocative analysis of the Asian woman, who is
becoming a more vocal and powerful voice. This dramatic change is the
outcome of the number who have become educated, traveled and employed.
Naisbitt asserts tha more female entrepreneurs exist in Asia than in the
West.
Chapter 8, "West to East," concludes that global trends are forcing us to
confront reality, which ultimately will affect power centers. The
phenomenal growth and development of the Asian economies and societies are
resulting in a new model for modernization. Many ethnocentric and
Eurocentric thinkers will certainly chafe at his conclusions.
Naisbitt is specific in developing his arguments. He draws effectively
from an overwhelming array of data. He is perceptive and provocative; and
he presents a workable paradigm for scholars interested in studying Asia
from the perspective of international communications.
Naisbitt's analysis provides significant value to potential entrepreneurs
who wish to explore investment opportunities. Even the casual reader, who
seeks an understanding of world events, will find the book enjoyable. It
is a "must" read and a valued addition to anyone's library. It would also
make an excellent textbook for a course in intercultural and/or
international communications.
Timothy Y.C. Choy, professor
Department of Speech Communications
Moorhead State University
Nerone, John C., ed. 1995.
_Last Rights: Revisiting Four Theories of the Press_.
Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press. xi+205pp.
In 1956, Fred S. Siebert, Theodore Peterson, and Wilbur Schramm, all
professors at the University of Illinois, published the classic _Four
Theories of the Press_, in which they outlined the authoritarian,
libertarian, social responsibility, and Soviet models of press-society
relations. Today, in the post-Cold War era of the global spread of
capitalism, revisiting and rehashing _Four Theories of the Press_ seemed
to me a distinctly uninviting proposition -- even if it was to administer
"last rights."
My initial misgivings quickly turned into admiration for the depth of
scholarship and thoughtfulness with which the eight contributors to _Last
Rights_ have analyzed the historical significance _and_ contemporary
relevance of _Four Theories_. These eight -- William E. Berry, Sandra
Braman, Clifford Christians, Thomas G. Gubak, Steven J. Helle, Louis
Liebovich, John C. Nerone and Kim Rotzoll-- are also from the University
of Illinois.
This book represents a truly collective project because no author has
written a single chapter. Instead, chapters comprise sections that each of
the eight authors has written. This approach, of course, could have
increased the potential for an incoherent text. Yet, while the book is
not seamless, Nerone has done a masterful job of editing to create a
logically organized and very readable book.
Chapter 1 of _Last Rights_ provides an excellent overview of the issues
that the remainder of the book takes up throughout. Sections in this
chapter on the historical context, theoretical problems, and "silences and
absences" characterizing _Four Theories_, pull no punches in justifying
the need to revisit and reconceptualize the relationship between mass
media and society. Despite the frankness with which the writers dissect
_Four Theories_, however, the prose is never mean-spirited.
Chapter 2 deals with the authoritarian and libertarian theories of the
press that Siebert described in _Four Theories_. The contrbutors roundly
(and rightly) criticize Siebert's attempt to abstract a libertarian theory
of the press from the historically specific experience of England, as well
as his construction of an authoritarian theory of the press as simply a
negation of libertarianism. To take just one example, they take Siebert to
task for vastly oversimplifying authoritarianism to mean only state
control of mass media. But _Last Rights_ is guilty of its own
oversimplification in this chapter: When arguing (rightly) that various
forms of authoritarianism exist, the book cites as examples the "local
traditions of autocracy" (p.39) in Africa and Latin America as if this was
the only model of governance in those regions, and the "new ideological
nemesis" of Islamic fundamentalism, which it distinguishes from "Islamic
thought generally," (p.39) as if either Islamic thought or Islamic
fundamentalism represent homogenous and unitary entities.
This chapter also outlines recent philosophical innovations including
Richard Rorty's move to revitalize liberalism, the communitarian
invitation to go beyond liberalism, and postmodernism's challenge to the
entire edifice supporting liberal thought. Despite the insightful and
lucid review of these intellectual advances, it leaves one wondering why
it has not mentioned, for example, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's
ideas of radical democracy or Anthony Giddens' modernist notion of duality
of structure, which also challenge liberalism.
Chapter 3 provides useful background on internal deliberations among some
members of the Commission on Freedom of the Press, the group that
articulated the social responsibility theory. Especially interesting is
the section on William Ernest Hocking and his ongoing debate with
Zechariah Chafee about freedom and rights. The chapter makes extremely
clear that the document establishing a social responsibility theory of the
press is, more than anything else, a negotiated position paper that
inevitably contains inconsistencies and contradictions, and that the
theory's ultimate impact is to "[endorse] the status quo by erecting
standards of performance that can make monopoly media seem like the voice
of the people even as the media keep the people silent and stupid"
(pp.78-79). The chapter contains an insightful section about the
implications of new communication technology for the theory, but also a
largely redundant section on advertising that it apparently uses to
highlight the complexity of the social responsibility theory, which it
amply demonstrates throughout the rest of the chapter.
Chapter 4 criticizes Schramm for conflating Marxism with Stalinism. It
criticizes Schramm for equating Naziism with the Soviet Union and creating
the "red fascism" menace as a justification for dismissing Marxism out of
hand as having no redeeming value whatsoever. Most of this chapter devotes
itself to correcting Schramm's historical inaccuracies of Soviet communism
and advocating the retention of Marxism as a tool for socioeconomic
analysis; the section on the Marxist evaluation of liberalism serves as an
exemplar. One problem here is the assumption that Marxism remains the best
(or, at least, the most reasonable) approach for social critique and
transformation, a position that ignores, for example, varieties of
postmodernism (although the book mentions these elsewhere).
Chapter 5 begins with a discussion tracing the impact of technological
innovations in mass media on the Habermasian distinction between the
public and private spheres. It makes the case for replacing the term
"press" with "information," which implies a conception of public and
private different from what Habermas described. The highlight of this
chapter, however, is three sections titled "Globalization and the Decline
of the Nation- State," "The Decline of the Press," and "The Changing
Relationship Between the Press and the State." These sections sketch some
important global trends and convincingly argue that massive
reconfigurations in our conceptual maps are necessary if we are to deal
adequately with the fast-changing relationships among mass media, society
and the notion of rights.
Students of international communication interested in the global influence
and persistence of the four theories of the press specifically and of
liberalism generally will enjoy this book.
Hemant Shah, associate professor
School of Journalism and Mass Communication
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Ngwainmbi, Emmanuel K. 1995.
_Communication Efficiency and Rural Development in Africa: The Case
of Cameroon.
Lanham, Md.: University Press of America Inc. xiv+181pp.
Riverson, L Kwabena. 1993.
_Telecommunications Development: The Case of Africa_.
Lanham, Md.: University Press of America Inc. 115 pp.
The main contribution of Ngwainmbi^Òs seven-chapter book is that it
provides insights gained from grassroots research on the role of mass
media in rural development in Cameroon. The author attempts to find out
whether the government is meeting the needs of the people, whether radio
and television have adequate development content, and whether these
programs make sense to the rural Cameroonians.
Riverson'Òs seven-chapter book, which stands out for simplicity, clarity
and conciseness, takes a critical look at the Pan-African
Telecommunications Network (PANAFTEL) in the light of telecommunications
and its impact on economic development in Africa.
Ngwainmbi asserts that African countries, in the aftermath of European
rule, have tended to use mass media to spread patriotism and continental
integration at the expense of social and economic development. Based on a
content analysis of Radio Bamenda and Radio Yaounde programs and a survey
of the economically backward Kom and big Balianki areas, he concludes that
between 1972 and 1994 ^Óthe Cameroon mass media failed to live up to the
mandate determined by the heads of state and reiterated by the ministers
of Information and Culture. They did not disseminate enough qualitative
and quantitative information to support rural development in Cameroon" (p.
159). Ngwainmbi found that most people received information from community
gatherings and not through the mass media. Eighty-eight percent of those
surveyed felt the need for more development programs. The rural residents
also did not understand French or English spoken on radio and television.
Ngwainmbi stresses the need for enhancing the development content of the
mass media, encouraging the participation of rural people in development
efforts, Africentricizing development concepts, and using traditional and
interpersonal modes of information dissemination such as social
gatherings, town criers and village fairs.
A major problem with Ngwainmbi'^Òs book is the lack of organization. This
is evident in the vey first chapter, where the author combines information
on development in the Third World, Africa and Cameroon with his own
opinions in a disorganized manner. He repeats the aims of the book several
times. Readers unfamiliar with Cameroon will have a hard time
understanding the references in the right context. It is difficult to
understand why the author has randomly provided economic data for a few
years in the 1980s when he is looking at a period covering more than two
decades, from 1972 to 1994.
In the literature-review chapter, the author tries to include a paragraph
on every aspect of development communication as well as on problems of
Third World communication, including foreign coverage of disasters and
media imperialism. A better focus and greater depth would have enhanced
not only this chapter but the entire book.
Ngwainmbi also makes this exaggerated claim at the outset: "There has been
too much talk about bad leadership and increasingly weak economies in
Africa, but little has been said about how to resolve these problems. This
book fills that gap" (p. 1). But the book addresses mainly the role of
mass media in development -- only a small part of the issue. One finds
traces of immaturity elsewhere in the book as well. For example, in the
context of justifying the use of survey research, the author makes this
sweeping statement: "Research that involves human beings or human subjects
should apply the survey method" (p. 122).
The main aims of Riverson'^Òs book are to study the telecommunications
development in Africa, explain the growth and scope of PANAFTEL, and
examine the potential role of PANAFTEL in the socioeconomic development of
Africa.
Throughout the book, Riverson posits the need for better
telecommunications facilities in a continent with 10 percent of the
world's population and, excluding South Africa, 0.4 percent of the world's
telephones. He is esp ecially concerned with the lack of
telecommunications infrastructure in the rural areas where 80 percent of
the population lives. Telecommunications development, he says, has been a
formidable task because of constraints such as lack of financial and
natural resources, and skilled personnel. In addition, Africa has had to
deal with a telecommunications system that routes domestic traffic through
Western countries, a legacy of the former colonial masters.
Riverson explains well the evolution, structure and growth of PANAFTEL
from its conception in 1962 until 1990. He also provides some useful maps
and charts. The International Telecommunications Union coordinates
PANAFTEL, which receives its support and funding from various other
international, regional and national institutions besides the 50 African
member nations. Riverson lauds PANAFTEL for establishing direct
transmission links and for significantly improving the availability of
telecommunications services. However, he notes that the PANAFTEL network
has fallen short of the projected growth and has been operating below
capacity mainly because of financial, structural and administrative
constraints. He deems that a lack of awareness of the benefits of
telecommunications services continues to exist a mong African policy
makers. To improve the situation, he recommends (1) setting up a
Pan-African Telecommunications Academy (PANATA) mainly to train/retrain
telecommunications personnel; (2) funding of satellite earth stations and
terrestrial links for African members by the richer member nations of
INTELSAT; and (3) making African governments fully utilize the available
capacity, operating as private multinational corporations and competing at
the national and international levels.
A drawback of the book is the outdated information, mainly 1970s data,
provided in many of the tables. Even though Riverson states that the link
between telecommunications and rural development is "somewhat
inconclusive, "he confidently says in the preface: "I take this
opportunity to say 'Wake-up Africa,' -- develop your telecommunications
infrastructure, and all your education, health, transportation,
industries, and other developmental sector problems will be resolved."
While this statement appears to be naive, one can see it as an attempt to
create awareness of the urgent need for better telecommunications
facilities.
Both books are useful additions to the literature on development
communication. Although Ngwainmbi'^Ñs book does not provide for smooth
reading, it drives home the importance of the cultural context in
communication. Riverson'^Òs book provides systematic and factual
information about the telecommunications situation in Africa.
Sandhya Rao, assistant professor
Department of Mass Communication
Southwest Texas State University
Pace, Scott, Gerald Frost, Irving Lachow, David Frelinger, Donna Fossum,
Donald K. Wassem, Monica Pinto. 1995.
_The Global Positioning System: Assessing National Policies_.
Washington, D.C.: Critical Technologies Institute, RAND. xxv+368pp.
This is the first book to provide a detailed and insightful analysis of
the policy dilemmas caused by rapidly changing information technologies.
On one hand, policy-makers must preserve national security; and, at the
same time, they must insure international and commercial access to global
information systems. As Pace et al. make clear in this text, the changing
nature of technology and the rapid growth in commercial use of satellite
systems complicate decisions about how to regulate the use of and the
access to information technologies.
Pace et al. describe the global positioning system as the $10 billion
space system of satellites owned by the U.S. military. Originally, these
satellites were intended to provide and monitor signals that the military
relies upon for such purposes as navigation and munitions guidance. During
the past decade, however, this system has grown beyond its military
purposes and become a worldwide information resource that supports civil,
scientific and commercial functions, including the Internet and air
traffic control. As Pace et al. point out, this system has generated a
large commercial industry both in the United States and abroad. This
expansion has created problems for policy-makers, and current national
policies have been unable to keep pace with the rapid growth of the
system.
This text details a RAND study designed to aid the White House Office of
Science and Technology Policy and members of the National Science and
Technology Council in addressing the policy-making problems associated
with the expanded use of the GPS. Of key importance in this study are
national security, commercial use and foreign policy issues related to
regulating the GPS.
The study addresses four major questions. First, how should the United
States integrate its economic and national security objectives into GPS
policy decisions? Second, how should the Department of Defense respond to
the existence of widely available, highly accurate time and special data?
Third, what approach should the United States take toward international
cooperation and competition in the global satellite navigation system?
Fourth, how should the GPS and associated augmentations be governed?
On the basis of their analysis of the GPS, Pace et al. recommend that the
United States issue a statement of national policy that will provide a
more stable framework for decision making about the GPS in both the public
and the private sectors. This statement should initiate international
discussion about both national security and economic issues.
The study also recommends that the Department of Defense reduce its
reliance upon civilian GPS receivers, retain selective availability (SA)
as a military option, and not deter private differential global
positioning systems (DGPS) that would be used for commercial purposes.
Additionally, the study recommends that the United States work to reduce
international barriers against commercial GPS-related goods and services.
However, providing wide-area augmentations of GPS should be discouraged
until reliable controls can be created to protect against misuse.
Finally, the study recommends the U.S. government should insure funding
and stability of the GPS as the global standard for position location,
navigation and timing; and, for purposes of national security, this system
should remain under the direct national control of the United States and
its allies, instead of the international civil organizations.
Many international scholars will find this analysis far too heavily
concentrated upon the issue of U.S. security. Although Pace et al.
suggest barriers against international use of the system should be
removed, they say little about the importance of the system to other
nations. Many will argue strongly against Pace et al.'s recommendation
that the GPS remain under U.S. control, instead of international
organizations. Clearly, the focus of this study is how to best serve U.S.
interests in forming policies about the GPS. This explains why the
analysis recommends few policy implementations to improve international
access and equality in the system.
As international information needs and globalization of communication
technologies expand, they will create greater tensions in negotiating
between international access and national power. This text offers a
valuable resource for scholars interested in the GPS. It provides not
only a clear and careful analysis of the problems facing policy-makers,
but it also documents the U.S. approach to solving the problem of
maintaining national security while protecting commercial and
international interests.
Rebecca Carrier, doctoral candidate
Department of Speech Communication
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Paletz, David L., Karol Jakubowicz, Pavao Novosel, eds. 1995.
_Glasnost and After_: Media and Change in Central and Eastern Europe.
Cresskill, N.J.: Hampton Press Inc. xii+240 pp.
_Glasnost and After_ inaugurates the Hampton Press series in political
communication that IAMCR has sponsored. The 1990 IAMCR meeting in
Yugoslavia conceived the idea of reporting and analyzing the role of media
in the panoply of changes in Eastern Europe. A team of people "intimately
involved in and knowledgeable about the situations in their societies" and
"Western researchers specializing in particular countries" (3) have
written the book. The result is a scholarly effort of contributors from
North America and Europe. The book shows a three-year delay in
publication. The text contains no references after 1992 with one
exception. Thus it covers only the early post-communist period. Some of
its predictions of further developments have, in fact, already happened.
David Paletz uses the introduction to summarize the main arguments and
provide a summary of the content. He does not, however, establish a
thesis or clearly state the book's objective.
If one assumes that the editors intended to stress the media case studies
that make up Part 2, then the picture becomes interesting though
incomplete; it presents no case studies of most of the Balkans --
Bulgaria, Albania, Slovenia, Serbia, Bosnia, Macedonia and Croatia -- or
of Slovakia. Oleg Manaev's study of the USSR actually explores media in
Belarus, but this case lacks sufficient data to illustrate the whole
complexity of issues that he raises. Most of the other case studies have
a similar structure: media under communism; the role of foreign and
underground media; and the emergence of new, post-1989 media. The main
issues in the case studies are media and power, ownership, relationship
between old and new political and state institutions, partisan newspapers,
public service broadcasting, media law, retooling of journalism, and new
media markets. Following this model, Ildiko Kovats and Gordon Whiting
analyze the Hungarian particularities both before and after the change.
Rudolf Prevratil devotes almost his entire chapter on Czech media to the
earlier condition and the role of Czech dissident experience. He only
touches on the early developments after 1989. In the chapter on Romania,
Peter Gross also focuses more on the late 1980s rather than on the
aftermath of the revolution, and barely deals with the issues of media
manipulation during the December 1989 coup. In the Polish case, Karol
Jakubowicz focuses on the gradual emergence of a new media order.
Jakubowicz is concerned about the "even match" between state and civil
society and seems to doubt that conditions for a true democratic media
will appear in Poland anytime soon. Gertrude Robinson explores East
Germany before and after the unification, focusing on the political and
economic sides of the transition.
If the book's intention is to stress theoretical analysis, then the main
contribution comes from Jakubowicz. His exploration of media as agents of
change opens with the statement that "the question of whether the media of
mass communication lead or follow social change has not been answered
satisfactorily" (20). Jakubowicz outlines the media's role in
overthrowing the communist system; then he sets out to show that the
recent changes in power and communication policy have assigned the media
in Eastern Europe an extremely important social role. He says that the
main issue of the post-communist transition has become the establishment
of civil society. This is why the interrelationship of the three basic
key elements of a civil society - technology, form and content of
communication, and social change - receive such elaborate consideration.
In another theoretical chapter, France Vreg discusses issues of political
and national media crises at three levels: interpersonal, group and mass
communication. The emergence of new political parties leads to
pluralization in media; but the new politicians' interest in running their
own media outlets often lead to manipulative practices of political
marketing in media. Vreg outlines the obstacles that the
participatory-democratic mass communication model encounters in
post-communist societies and, like Jakubowicz, offers a long list of
desired conditions that should occur: autonomy, pluralism, federalism,
decentralization, pubic autonomy, social responsibility, and strengthening
of the public service function of mass media.
Pavao Novosel is the author of the opening theoretical chapter After
confessing the limitation of his knowledge to the Yugoslavian situation
only, Novosel ventures to uncover the underlying logic of the role that
media played in the disintegration of the communist regimes. His
intention is to apply a Gestaltist perspective to communication and its
effects; thus he introduces concepts such as font and figures. He then
comes to formulate "an iron law" theory which states that the behavior of
media under any one-party system is inevitably self-destructive. By the
time he comes to this conclusion, however, the Gestaltist approach
disappears. Thus the authors seem to open numerous theoretical parentheses
without eventually closing them.
Part 3, The Future , contains only one chapter: that of Hans-Heinz Fabris,
whose predictions are true in general, albeit somewhat outdated. Fabris
outlines several scenarios for future developments in media:
Westification, Germanification, continuation of two parallel media
cultures, and perestroika in Western media. Twice in the chapter (pp. 225
and 228) Fabris mentions "the former Czechoslovakia, now the Czech
Republic" -- a rude instance of political incorrectness because former
Czechoslovakia is now actually Czech and Slovak republics.
During communist times, East European media rarely underwent
country-by-country analysis. After 1989, however, they have received more
individualized attention. _Glasnost and After_ sets a great example in
outlining the specifics of the transition in media. Meanwhile, the
differences between the East European countries have become clearly
visible. The question now is what role media played in shaping the
diverse picture of today's Eastern Europe. This book does not explore
this; but the same team of editors will probably address it in the sequel
volume, which they are now preparing for Hampton Press to mark the decade
of Eastern Europe in transition.
Dina Iordanova, lecturer
Department of Radio-TV-Film
University of Texas at Austin
Rosenblum, Mort. 1993.
_Who Stole the News?: Why We Can't Keep Up With What Happens in
the World and What We Can Do About It_.
New York and Chichester, England: John Wiley & Sons Inc. vi+298pp.
Ten years ago writing a thesis that analyzed American coverage of human
rights issues in Central and South America, one of the most valuable
sources I encountered was Mort Rosenblum's _Coups and Earthquakes:
Reporting the World to America_. Five years later, reviewing the
literature for a dissertation on American coverage of foreign news, it
dismayed me to find his name missing from the bibliographies and
literature reviews of so many of the academics researching and writing on
the subject.
Now, if a lack of Rosenblum citations and shaky methodologies are any
indicators, the academics turning out new analyses of American coverage of
international news still are not reading Rosenblum. This, in spite of the
fact that he has kindly revisited the subject in _Who Stole the News?_ --
an expanded exploration of the process of issues of international news
coverage.
Arguably, those whose literature reviews omit Rosenblum are weaker
scholars for the omission. One of the worries of academic research on
international news issues is that it is removed from the real processes
that shape the news. Without reference to insights on those processes,
researchers are prone to make methodological choices as they approach
their work that can only expose their own ignorance and invalidate their
findings.
As chief special correspondent for the Associated Press, Rosenblum knows
whereof he writes, writes well, and tackles all of the critical issues
concerning contemporary international news researchers and a few the
researchers haven't even noticed yet.
As the title suggests, _Who Stole the News_ is not a scholarly tome, but a
work that aims at a broader audience -- people who watch television or
read a newspaper and worry now and then about the news they find there.
Researchers who have any academic or personal concerns with media coverage
of international issues owe it to themselves to find the book and read it.
Moreover, because the paperback is nicely packaged and reasonable, they
might even recommend it to their friends or require it as reading in a
range of media-related classes.
For while _Coups and Earthquakes_ was a good book, _Who Stole the News_ is
even better. It does not stop short at simply updating the material
Rosenblum covered in the first book. Where _Coups and Earthquakes_ was "a
media book ... a blend of how-to and war stories to help readers make
sense of how news is reported from abroad," this is a book with a mission.
"A new and improved consumer's guide to following world news," the preface
suggests that it is also "meant as an international thriller about a crime
which affects everyone of us." And it lives up to that promise.
Like the earlier work, this book is a joy for international news junkies.
With plenty of anecdotal material and unmatched inside knowledge,
Rosenblum tells the story of the modern system of gathering international
news -- from the profiles of some of the best correspondents at work today
to the special problems raised by human rights coverage in Bosnia. But as
well as he tells those stories, as fond as he clearly is of much of his
subject matter, Rosenblum pulls no punches.
In _Coups_, Rosenblum borrowred from Evelyn Waugh, to tell the story of
Rodney Permapress, a new correspondent, who cut his on a rebellion in West
Malaria. This time, in "West Malaria Revisited," Rosenblum tells the story
of Bertrand Bushjacket, who arrives to cover not some fictional story but
instead the very real 1991 war in Somalia. The story is so exagerated, the
reader is tempted to wish it was a work of fiction. The result is an
incisive, albeit depressing look at the worst of flaws of the
international news system at work today. In a position to know them,
Rosenblum does not shy away from exposing the worst of the blind spots and
inadequacies of coverage produced by those "dirty birds," the vulture-like
correspondents who descend on spots of crisis, cover it quickly and
superficially and fly out as soon as the U.S. government's commitment to
the story wanes.
There are bright moments as well, however. In "Know Your Bird," Rosenblum
not only provides the news consumer with tips on how to find quality
foreign coverage, he goes on to name and profile some of the best of the
correspondents -- the ones who begin their coverage before the hordes
arrive, provide their audiences with stories that provide insight and
explanation, who don't swallow any government's official line, and who go
on following the stories that matter even after the hordes have gone.
It is not possible here to tackle each of the book's 18 chapter's in any
depth, but one should note that while many of the chapter titles in the
new book are reminiscent of those in _Coups_, the similarity is only skin
deep. Rather than content himself with additions of supplemental material,
Rosenblum literally revisited his subjects -- in some cases adding
interesting details to the stories from the first book, and in other cases
completely re-envisioning the subject. He includes discussions of the
network cutbacks on news staff, the impact of military censorship during
the Gulf War, the impact of CNN on the arrival on the scene, the fate of
development journalism, and how people from other countries view American
journalism.
As comfortable with broadcast subjects as with print, Rosenblum offers a
fully drawn overview of the state of contemporary international news
coverage. The words he uses to describe the work of two of the
correspondents he admires could apply as well to his own work; namely,
that the book is easy to follow and anyone who reads it -- researchers and
students alike -- will be well-informed and come away with a deep
understanding of the whole subject.
Catherine Cassara, assistant professor
School of Communication Studies
Bowling Green State University
Singh, Rajendra, Probal Dasgupta and Jayant K. Lele, eds. 1995.
_Explorations in Indian Sociolinguistics_.
New Delhi: SAGE Publications. 258 pp.
The authors dedicate this book to "all those working for the liquidation
of sociolinguistics as we know it." With such a gauntlet thrown upfront,
readers can expect either a tough and critical expose of the academic
enterprise we know as (Indian) sociolinguistics, or a polemic against some
practitioners in the field to whose works the authors are ideologically
opposed. We get a combination of both.
This is the second volume in the series _Language and Development_. The
series focuses on theoretical and empirical work on the sociolinguistic
experience of South Asian countries since they achieved independence, and
makes such works available to a wider audience to project the non-Western
side of ongoing debates in the field.
The foreword to the book by Udaya Narayana Singh is itself a full-fledged
review. I will paraphrase parts of the foreword and then focus on
Dasgupta's essay "On the sociolinguistics of English in India" as a way of
providing the reader a new/different handle on the volume.
U.N. Singh says the essays in this volume are critiques of Western
theories of development which are essentially a "scientistic" orientation
to social reality. Such an orientation supposedly guides the discourse of
the elite and the privileged. He points out that the authors have
accepted the distinction between "macro- vs. micro-sociolinguistics ... as
a prime," as well as "the trichotomy of subjectivity, objectivity and
intersubjectivity." The more telling point that he makes is that the
authors don't answer or deal with issues like "how languages are born,"
"how they split over a period of time" and "when they die" (p. 13).
U.N. Singh identifies four beliefs undergirding all the essays in the
volume: That 1) Grammars are nothing but static, positivist,
structuralist metaphors; 2) Language is as important a social force as
labor is; 3) Sociolinguistic investigation must begin where the facts of
the matter end; 4) The disguised culturalization of the political and the
economic can only hinder our understanding of the relationship between
language and society. From these, it follows that language is also "a
truth committed and socially responsible expression of self"; the major
concern of sociolinguistics is the discovery of explanation of what unites
native speakers of a language, as well as what separates them from native
speakers of other languages; the interest in South Asia and the speech
variation in the region is an "occidentalization of the Indian
subcontinent"; the South Asian linguistic and cultural area has been
stylized and codified throughout its history; and the language of the
native speaker is not only adequate but also correct for describing the
structures and rules of his/her language. From all these, one can then
understand the plea of the authors for a "discourse of the
underprivileged" (pp. 14-15). Such concerns lead the authors to
dissatisfaction with the notion of "sociolinguistic variables," with
studies on language contact, conversational strategies, and language
planning and development.
Dasgupta's essay makes the point that Western sociolinguistics may not be
usable as an analytical tool to understand and explain the social forces
that influence language development in South Asia. Dasgupta begins by
conjuring up two "camps" -- one favoring the unchecked spread of English,
and the second striving to maintain cultural plurality. In the former is
Kachru (and his mentors), and in the politically correct latter is
Dasgupta and the forces fighting Western hegemony and imperialism. To the
unwary reader or the graduate greenhorn, this is a plausible divide; and
we can have no doubt as to their emotional and scholarly investments.
Dasgupta is troubled that Kachru's (1976) work argues for Indian pluralism
and an expansion of English throughout the world in the same breath. "Who
decides what is appropriate in our context?" Dasgupta asks, and he points
out that it is the "metropolitan groups in power that get to decide what
technology, what religion or economic system, or which languages should be
imposed on the peripheral regions" (p.26). Unfortunately, such a polemic
is easy to produce but difficult to disprove because the term
"metropolitan groups in power" is sufficiently vague and amorphous to
include anyone or none!
U.N. Singh congratulates Dasgupta for this "insight," and he concludes
that "the really rewarding line of inquiry is the resistance that the
_ethnics_ (my emphasis) offer against such attempts and associated
threats and rewards for assimilation" (p. 27). However, who these ethnics
are remains a mystery: Are they tribals living in enclaves or lower-caste
people living in villages, towns and cities? Are they lower-caste people
who are not educated in English-medium schools? Are they higher-caste
people living in villages? That sometimes these labels are used as code
words to describe one's opponent/s of the day is a rather sad commentary
denoting the extent to which Indian academe and academic enterprise have
been politicized. The reader should not lose sight of the irony that this
book is written by those well-versed in English, many of whom work in the
citadels of Western academe. It is important to note that "Indian
languages" are appropriated by Dasgupta, and he doesnt make any
distinction between the languages of the "privileged, unprivileged, or the
underprivileged"; it thus enables him to fight conveniently on the side
of different groups at different times!
In closing, it needs to be pointed out that this volume presents a mixed
bag of essays. Some are narrowly focused: for example, the essay by
Rajendra Singh and Lele critiquing the weakness of the data supporting
Pandharipande's thesis is effective. Others almost let go from the hip:
for example, Dasgupta's rather fancy comparison of Sanskrit in the early
part of the first millennium with Indian English this century. Thus, it
may be unfair to characterize the set of essays in this volume as just an
ululation by the new priests of political correctness. But given the
gauntlet of the dedication, why not?
Closepet N. Ramesh, associate professor of communication
Language and Literature Division
Truman State University
Kirksville, Missouri
Turpin, Jennifer. 1995.
_Reinventing the Soviet Self: Media and Social Change in the Former
Soviet Union_. Westport, Conn.: Praeger. x+154pp.
It was a story of millennial proportions for the international media. The
Cold War had ended not with a bang but a whimper as the Soviet empire
imploded and the world's standard-bearer of communism had a sudden
ideological change of heart. The event -- or the process -- was one of
the most reported and analysed in post- World War II history as the
international media grappled with the problem of presenting a new
construction of Soviet society that was not framed in the vitriolic
rhetoric of the of the old First World- Second World standoff. Western
media audiences had to be persuaded that the Evil Empire had collapsed,
together with the threat of a third world war that it had always
represented. Repackaging Soviet society for international consumption was
an even bigger task for the Soviet media outlets that catered for
international audiences.
Turpin's book is a detailed description of the editorial changes that took
place during this transitional period in the columns of two
English-language Soviet publications that served as vehicles of propaganda
to the outside world for the communist regime: Moscow News and Soviet
Life. Moscow News, a daily, was founded by the American communist Anna
Louise Strong in 1930 as a semi-official source of news for Moscow's small
American community. Soviet Life, printed in the United States for
distribution in the West under the direction of the Novosti News Agency,
was established in 1961 because of the official Tass news agency's poor
performance in promoting the Soviet Union abroad. The task these two
outlets had to accomplish was to recreate the image of the Soviet Union
for their overseas readers and to acquaint those readers with the
fundamental changes that had prompted Soviet society to reinvent itself.
It meant the rapid deconstruction of the old Soviet Union and a
reconstruction of the new. It meant profound changes in not only the
approach to content and notions of newsworthiness governing the two
publications' output, but also their styles of reporting: the conventions
and strategies they used to convey their messages to present the new
Soviet Union to the world. Turpin charts these changes by describing the
results of her content analysis study of the two publications. This study
compared content and writing styles in the two publications under Brezhnev
and under Gorbachev. She found that both organs adapted quickly to the
new realties and were able to express the mood of perestroika and convey
its historic import.
This book has some interesting media history. After providing a solid
historical background, it delves perceptively into the personalities
involved in the senior editorial positions in the two publications and
describes how the epochal changes taking place in the Kremlin had their
echoes in the board rooms of this section of the Soviet media. The book
also provides revealing insights into this traumatic period for Soviet
journalists who, brought up on the rigidly self-perpetuating constants of
Soviet ideology, had to not only internalise the impact of Gorbachev's
reforms, but also interpret those reforms for their audiences.
However, the book has a limitation: it only describes a small and
specialised (foreign-language) sector of the Soviet news media that one
cannot regard as representative of the mainstream Soviet news industry.
Although the author claims Moscow News "served as an important vehicle for
social change under Gorbachev, both in the USSR and globally," she
provides no explanation of how a foreign-language newspaper can have
anything more than a very marginal status in relation to the national
media industry. My frustration with this book is its lack of interest in
the audience of the publications it describes. A fundamental issue in any
content analysis study ought to be: who is the intended recipient of the
content and what are its possible effects on those recipients? We can
assume that Soviet Life had a narrow pro-Soviet audience in the United
States and other Western countries. In fact, just to subscribe to the
magazine may have entailed a certain degree of risk for American readers,
particularly when Cold War tensions were at their strongest. The author
mentions that Soviet Life "seemed to be intended for a relatively
sophisticated audience" and "it appeared the magazine attempted to reach
several different categories of Americans." She also says Moscow News had
a domestic audience. But in neither case does she describe what those
audiences were.
Another shortcoming of this book is its failure to adequately describe the
mainstream Soviet media industry and how these two marginal news entities
-- the Moscow News and Soviet Life -- related to that mainstream.
Sometimes, the author loses sight of the fact that the subjects of her
study probably had little influence on attitudes toward the Soviet reform
movement in the Soviet Union and abroad. "While the media performed its
cathartic function and convinced the international public that a new
Soviet Union was evolving ..." seems to ignore the fact that the
international public, for the main part, had little interest or knowledge
in what the Soviet media said about Soviet affairs. They relied on
Moscow-based Western correspondents to keep them abreast of the process of
change. Soviet audiences relied for the most part on their own domestic
media and international audiences on their domestic media. And probably
that is where the real story of how the Soviet union was reinvented by the
news media lies.
Barry Lowe, associate professor
Department of English
City University of Hong Kong